By SAI ZOM HSENG
The Burmese Army is launching a major offensive against the Shan State Army (SSA), in a conflict that has already affected about 30 villages in northern and central Shan State, according to SSA sources.
The Burmese troops will soon overrun the armed group's headquarters in Wan Hai, Mong Hsu Township, said Col Sai Htoo, the assistant secretary general of the SSA's political wing, the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), which is also located in Wan Hai.
Around 300 local people have fled the area and schools have also been shut as fighting intensifies. Most residents have moved to urban areas, and teachers were instructed on Tuesday morning to return to Lashio, the capital of northern Shan State, said Sai Htoo.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Sai Htoo said that the SSA, formerly known as the Shan State Army-North and led by Col Pang Fa, expected to lose control of its headquarters in the very near future.
“The commander of the [Burmese Army's] Northeast Military Command is now at the front line commanding his troops and battalions. There is an 80 percent chance that we will lose our headquarters very soon, but we will continue fighting using guerrilla warfare.”
Yesterday, skirmishes between the two sides brought the fighting closer to Wan Hai, with Burmese troops using artillery against the Shan troops until later Monday evening, according to local resident Sai Aung.
Last week fighting was reported every day in Kye-thi-Marn Sam Township, especially around Doi Sai, a mountain around 16 km (10 miles) from Wan Hai and a key location on the SSA's line of defense. According to Sai Htoo, Burmese Army troops have been ordered to seize Wan Hai within seven days.
Burmese battalions under the control of the Northeastern Military Command are coordinating their attacks against the Shan troops with Burmese Army battalions from Military Operation Commands 1 and 2, which are based in Kyaukme and Mong Naung, respectively, and include artillery battalions.
A spokesperson for the SSA/SSPP said that the combined strength of the Burmese Army battalions engaged in the offensive is around 1,500 troops, while the SSA has about 1,000 troops in Wan Hai.
Although sources said that there have been numerous casualties among both the Burmese and Shan troops, no further details were available. Injured Burmese troops were reportedly evacuated from the area to major cities with helicopters from Nam Hsan Air Force Base.
The SSPP/SSA, a former ceasefire armed group, declared in May that it was now cooperating with the former Shan State Army-South, led by Lt-Gen Yawd Serk. The two groups have now united under the banner of the SSA.
The Burmese Army is launching a major offensive against the Shan State Army (SSA), in a conflict that has already affected about 30 villages in northern and central Shan State, according to SSA sources.
The Burmese troops will soon overrun the armed group's headquarters in Wan Hai, Mong Hsu Township, said Col Sai Htoo, the assistant secretary general of the SSA's political wing, the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), which is also located in Wan Hai.
Around 300 local people have fled the area and schools have also been shut as fighting intensifies. Most residents have moved to urban areas, and teachers were instructed on Tuesday morning to return to Lashio, the capital of northern Shan State, said Sai Htoo.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Sai Htoo said that the SSA, formerly known as the Shan State Army-North and led by Col Pang Fa, expected to lose control of its headquarters in the very near future.
“The commander of the [Burmese Army's] Northeast Military Command is now at the front line commanding his troops and battalions. There is an 80 percent chance that we will lose our headquarters very soon, but we will continue fighting using guerrilla warfare.”
Yesterday, skirmishes between the two sides brought the fighting closer to Wan Hai, with Burmese troops using artillery against the Shan troops until later Monday evening, according to local resident Sai Aung.
Last week fighting was reported every day in Kye-thi-Marn Sam Township, especially around Doi Sai, a mountain around 16 km (10 miles) from Wan Hai and a key location on the SSA's line of defense. According to Sai Htoo, Burmese Army troops have been ordered to seize Wan Hai within seven days.
Burmese battalions under the control of the Northeastern Military Command are coordinating their attacks against the Shan troops with Burmese Army battalions from Military Operation Commands 1 and 2, which are based in Kyaukme and Mong Naung, respectively, and include artillery battalions.
A spokesperson for the SSA/SSPP said that the combined strength of the Burmese Army battalions engaged in the offensive is around 1,500 troops, while the SSA has about 1,000 troops in Wan Hai.
Although sources said that there have been numerous casualties among both the Burmese and Shan troops, no further details were available. Injured Burmese troops were reportedly evacuated from the area to major cities with helicopters from Nam Hsan Air Force Base.
The SSPP/SSA, a former ceasefire armed group, declared in May that it was now cooperating with the former Shan State Army-South, led by Lt-Gen Yawd Serk. The two groups have now united under the banner of the SSA.
New York: Arakanese living in the USA will celebrate the 17th annual Arakanese Thingyan or New Year water festival in New York, according to the Thingyan Association, the organizer of the festival.
The festival will be held from 11am to 4pm local time on 17 July, at 100 West 84th Street, PS9 Playground between Columbus Avenue and Amsterdam Avenue, in Manhattan, New York.
Ko Kyaw Tha Hla, the managing director for organizing the festival, said the festival is held to show the Arakanese traditional culture to people internationally as well as to the different ethnic peoples from Burma living in USA.
"This is the most enjoyable Arakanese traditional festival and we celebrate it especially to make known our culture to the peoples here in USA. There are also people of Burmese origin who were born or brought up here and do not know about our lovely Arakanese traditional culture and I hope our celebration will not only enlighten to the people about our culture, but will give a chance to them to have a great fun in our festival", said Ko Kyaw Tha Hla.
The new year festival or Thingyan is traditionally held during the month "Tankhu" that starts a new year on the Arakanese lunar calendar and usually coincides with mid-April in the Roman calendar. Playing water among the adults and children is the joyous feature in the festival, which is for quenching the summer heat and for getting rid of troubles in the bygone year in tropical Arakan State in Burma. It is also distinguished for using traditional race-boats filled with water with the waiting young women holding bowls under a pavilion for pouring water with their interested young men and the water of love at the pavilion may lead most of the young peoples to their conjugal knots.
The organizing Thingyan Association said that because April is too cold to celebrate the festival, particularly with playing water, it has to be planned to celebrate in mid-July with the coming of summer in New York.
It said apart from the playing water, the festival will be celebrated with traditional singing and dancing, exhibition of arts and crafts, selling of traditional foods, and children games.
"Wet or dry, come to experience colorful multi-ethnic culture and heritage of Burma", invited the organizer. The detailed plans of the festival also can be read at http://www.thingyan.org.
The festival will be held from 11am to 4pm local time on 17 July, at 100 West 84th Street, PS9 Playground between Columbus Avenue and Amsterdam Avenue, in Manhattan, New York.
"This is the most enjoyable Arakanese traditional festival and we celebrate it especially to make known our culture to the peoples here in USA. There are also people of Burmese origin who were born or brought up here and do not know about our lovely Arakanese traditional culture and I hope our celebration will not only enlighten to the people about our culture, but will give a chance to them to have a great fun in our festival", said Ko Kyaw Tha Hla.
The new year festival or Thingyan is traditionally held during the month "Tankhu" that starts a new year on the Arakanese lunar calendar and usually coincides with mid-April in the Roman calendar. Playing water among the adults and children is the joyous feature in the festival, which is for quenching the summer heat and for getting rid of troubles in the bygone year in tropical Arakan State in Burma. It is also distinguished for using traditional race-boats filled with water with the waiting young women holding bowls under a pavilion for pouring water with their interested young men and the water of love at the pavilion may lead most of the young peoples to their conjugal knots.
The organizing Thingyan Association said that because April is too cold to celebrate the festival, particularly with playing water, it has to be planned to celebrate in mid-July with the coming of summer in New York.
It said apart from the playing water, the festival will be celebrated with traditional singing and dancing, exhibition of arts and crafts, selling of traditional foods, and children games.
"Wet or dry, come to experience colorful multi-ethnic culture and heritage of Burma", invited the organizer. The detailed plans of the festival also can be read at http://www.thingyan.org.
An official newspaper of the Burmese regime ran an article that blamed the rising poverty rate in the country on the "unqualified" rulers from former regimes in the country.
The Kyemon, one of the official newspapers of the Burmese regime, carried an article on 10 July written by Wai Yan Maung, who criticized the rulers of former regimes for poverty in the country.
Wai Yan Maung commented in his article, titled "Let's Participate and Help in Unity as a National", that the rise of poverty in the country is due to consecutive low-standard rulers in the country.
The author stated, "if I have to frankly overview the situation of the country that is figuratively called the land that bears gold and rich in natural resources, it has a rising poverty rate over 26% that is due to consecutive hold on state power by unqualified rulers who have been neglecting work for the poor sector of the country."
He also said that the country faces vast inequality between the rich and poor due to the weakness of rulers who have over-prioritized the country's economy for their own close associates and cronies, and the slow pace of development in the country is due to the weakness of their governance, with most of the people suffering because the rulers favored just a small handful of people.
He added that the benefits of the country have been effectively lost for the well-being of the country because of their misrule.
According to readers, the article that criticized the consecutive rulers of the country will especially embarrass recent military regime headed by Senior General Than Shwe, which ruled the country for the last 23 years.
Readers also say they see the article as a blow to the retired head of state, General Than Shwe, other senior officials from the armed forces who are still holding state power after shedding their uniforms, and their relatives and associates who are still controlling much of the economy.
http://www.narinjara.com
The Kyemon, one of the official newspapers of the Burmese regime, carried an article on 10 July written by Wai Yan Maung, who criticized the rulers of former regimes for poverty in the country.
The author stated, "if I have to frankly overview the situation of the country that is figuratively called the land that bears gold and rich in natural resources, it has a rising poverty rate over 26% that is due to consecutive hold on state power by unqualified rulers who have been neglecting work for the poor sector of the country."
He also said that the country faces vast inequality between the rich and poor due to the weakness of rulers who have over-prioritized the country's economy for their own close associates and cronies, and the slow pace of development in the country is due to the weakness of their governance, with most of the people suffering because the rulers favored just a small handful of people.
He added that the benefits of the country have been effectively lost for the well-being of the country because of their misrule.
According to readers, the article that criticized the consecutive rulers of the country will especially embarrass recent military regime headed by Senior General Than Shwe, which ruled the country for the last 23 years.
Readers also say they see the article as a blow to the retired head of state, General Than Shwe, other senior officials from the armed forces who are still holding state power after shedding their uniforms, and their relatives and associates who are still controlling much of the economy.
http://www.narinjara.com
By Maung Rammar
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Kyauk Taw: Farmers in western Burma's Arakan State have become tenants on their own farmland as the army has been renting the land for cultivation after confiscating it from them.
A farmer from Apaukwa Village in Kyauktaw Township said the army has been renting the confiscated land at a rate of 25 baskets - a Burmese unit of measure for rice, approximately 11 kilograms in a basket- of paddy per acre to the farmers who owned the land previously.
Army signboards in confiscated farms "We have to hire our own farmland from the army for our cultivation at a payment of 25 baskets of paddy for an acre of land, since the army forcibly confiscated our land. We are forced to do so because we have become landless and have no choice for our livelihoods of cultivation in our area," said the farmer.
According to the farmers, there are over 280 acres of arable land being confiscated by army battalion 539 of Sa Ka Kha, or Military Operations Command 9, in the villages of Apaukwa, Kyaoak Taungpyin, Thakkay Chaung, and Kan Zauk in southern Kyauktaw Township, and the army has been renting the land to the farmers for paddy that is used for income and soldiers' rations.
Apart from those farmlands, army battalions 374, 375, and 376 of Sa Ka Kha 9 have also confiscated nearly 400 acres of land from the farmers from the villages of Lanmataw, Daungtaungyaw, Nyaungpunhla, Tharaktapu, and Tharakoak, and they have been leasing out the land to the farmers in a similar manner.
It was reported that land confiscation by the army in Arakan State started during the reign of Maung Oo as commander of Western Command under the SPDC regime around 2005.
The farmer said that they are left without any profit and it is like working to feed the army because they have to give 25 baskets of their paddy produced each season.
"It is like working to feed the army because if we cultivate and acre of land, it can not produce 100 baskets of paddy and we have to invest everything, like labor, seed, fertilizer, insecticides, and everything that is needed for cultivation, and we have no profit but we are working to survive ourselves," said the farmer.
According to farmer sources, this situation is occurring not only in Kyauktaw Township; every other township in Arakan State has been suffering the same fate with over-militarization in the state.
The army's battalions have been confiscating arable land from the public not only for construction of their bases, but also for their finances and rations for soldiers in the battalions. According to farmers from Ponnakyunt Township in northeastern Arakan State, the local army battalions forcibly confiscated more than 200 acres of farmland from the local farmers last year because land they had confiscated earlier was lost to railroad construction in the area.
There were only three battalions of the Burmese army in Arakan State, mostly based in Sittwe, until 1989, when the current military took hold of power. Since then, the army junta has extended its battalions and there are now over 60 battalions based in Arakan State.
Sources said that local people in Arakan State have been suffering from the rights abuses and land confiscation, illegal tax collection, monopolization of commerce and the economy, and various restrictions and oppression with over-militarization and strengthening of the armed forces in the state.
They added that although it was declared that power was transferred to the democratic government in Burma, they have not seen anything chance from the way things were run with the former military regime.
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Kyauk Taw: Farmers in western Burma's Arakan State have become tenants on their own farmland as the army has been renting the land for cultivation after confiscating it from them.
A farmer from Apaukwa Village in Kyauktaw Township said the army has been renting the confiscated land at a rate of 25 baskets - a Burmese unit of measure for rice, approximately 11 kilograms in a basket- of paddy per acre to the farmers who owned the land previously.
Army signboards in confiscated farms According to the farmers, there are over 280 acres of arable land being confiscated by army battalion 539 of Sa Ka Kha, or Military Operations Command 9, in the villages of Apaukwa, Kyaoak Taungpyin, Thakkay Chaung, and Kan Zauk in southern Kyauktaw Township, and the army has been renting the land to the farmers for paddy that is used for income and soldiers' rations.
Apart from those farmlands, army battalions 374, 375, and 376 of Sa Ka Kha 9 have also confiscated nearly 400 acres of land from the farmers from the villages of Lanmataw, Daungtaungyaw, Nyaungpunhla, Tharaktapu, and Tharakoak, and they have been leasing out the land to the farmers in a similar manner.
It was reported that land confiscation by the army in Arakan State started during the reign of Maung Oo as commander of Western Command under the SPDC regime around 2005.
The farmer said that they are left without any profit and it is like working to feed the army because they have to give 25 baskets of their paddy produced each season.
"It is like working to feed the army because if we cultivate and acre of land, it can not produce 100 baskets of paddy and we have to invest everything, like labor, seed, fertilizer, insecticides, and everything that is needed for cultivation, and we have no profit but we are working to survive ourselves," said the farmer.
According to farmer sources, this situation is occurring not only in Kyauktaw Township; every other township in Arakan State has been suffering the same fate with over-militarization in the state.
The army's battalions have been confiscating arable land from the public not only for construction of their bases, but also for their finances and rations for soldiers in the battalions. According to farmers from Ponnakyunt Township in northeastern Arakan State, the local army battalions forcibly confiscated more than 200 acres of farmland from the local farmers last year because land they had confiscated earlier was lost to railroad construction in the area.
Sources said that local people in Arakan State have been suffering from the rights abuses and land confiscation, illegal tax collection, monopolization of commerce and the economy, and various restrictions and oppression with over-militarization and strengthening of the armed forces in the state.
They added that although it was declared that power was transferred to the democratic government in Burma, they have not seen anything chance from the way things were run with the former military regime.
Dhaka: The Bangladesh Coast Guard and Navy have launched an operation to drive out Burmese poachers after the high authority reported that many fishing boats from Burma have been entering Bangladesh waters for fishing, reported a Bangladesh newspaper.
The report said that Coast Guard and Naval forces have launched searches for the Burmese fishing boats in likely spots along the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal after receiving direction from the high authority.
A Coast Guard operation officer said they were informed by the fishing department on Saturday that some trawlers from Burma were fishing in the Bay in Bangladesh territory.
Afterward, Coast Guard patrol boats from four outposts - St. Martin Station, Teknaf Station, Cox's Bazar Station, and Shahpuri Station - rushed to the reported locations to drive out Burmese fishing boats, he said.
The Bangladesh Navy has also dispatched ships near the maritime boundary to search for Burmese fishing boats after receiving instructions from the high authority regarding the Burmese poachers.
On directives of the high command from headquarters, a naval ship is patrolling the reported spots, but there were no details on where the navy ship was patrolling at the moment.
However, Bangladesh authorities have not yet seized any fishing boats in Bangladesh waters as there are many canals flowing from Burma into the Bay of Bengal that fishermen are able to use to enter Bangladesh waters.
According to the report, Coast Guard members already started interrogations and gathering information from the locals and Bangladeshi fishermen who regularly go fishing in the Bay regarding the Burmese fishing boats intruding in Bangladesh waters.
There is still an unresolved maritime boundary dispute between Burma and Bangladesh, and both countries are being extra cautious about protecting their current boundary.
http://www.narinjara.com
The report said that Coast Guard and Naval forces have launched searches for the Burmese fishing boats in likely spots along the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal after receiving direction from the high authority.
Afterward, Coast Guard patrol boats from four outposts - St. Martin Station, Teknaf Station, Cox's Bazar Station, and Shahpuri Station - rushed to the reported locations to drive out Burmese fishing boats, he said.
The Bangladesh Navy has also dispatched ships near the maritime boundary to search for Burmese fishing boats after receiving instructions from the high authority regarding the Burmese poachers.
On directives of the high command from headquarters, a naval ship is patrolling the reported spots, but there were no details on where the navy ship was patrolling at the moment.
However, Bangladesh authorities have not yet seized any fishing boats in Bangladesh waters as there are many canals flowing from Burma into the Bay of Bengal that fishermen are able to use to enter Bangladesh waters.
According to the report, Coast Guard members already started interrogations and gathering information from the locals and Bangladeshi fishermen who regularly go fishing in the Bay regarding the Burmese fishing boats intruding in Bangladesh waters.
There is still an unresolved maritime boundary dispute between Burma and Bangladesh, and both countries are being extra cautious about protecting their current boundary.
http://www.narinjara.com
Dhaka: Bangladesh and Burma will resume direct air links soon, after flights have been stopped for more than four years, according to an official from Bangladesh's commerce ministry.
Bangladesh airline Biman, the only airline that had been flying between Dhaka and Rangoon, stopped its flights before the end of 2006 due to financial losses, and since then travelers from both countries have to transit through the Bangkok airport.
Bangladesh and Burma are now working to resume the direct air link that will save much time and costs for travelers between the two countries without requiring any medium transit, he said.
The source also said the commerce ministry has already requested its government restore direct air links to Burma in order to boost bilateral trade, including the border trade between the two countries.
Burma is the third largest importer of Bangladesh pharmaceuticals and the re-opening of direct air links between the two countries will help to boost bilateral trade as well as border trade, added the source.
Burma has signed aviation accords with 43 countries and regions around the world since 1949.
Flights from 14 foreign airlines are now flying to Rangoon in Burma, including Air China, China Southern Airline, Indian Airlines, Thai Airways International, Thai Air Asia, Bangkok Airways, Phuket Airline, Malaysian Airlines, Vietnam Airlines, Silk Air, Qatar Airways, and Jetstar Asia.
Bangladesh airline Biman, the only airline that had been flying between Dhaka and Rangoon, stopped its flights before the end of 2006 due to financial losses, and since then travelers from both countries have to transit through the Bangkok airport.
The source also said the commerce ministry has already requested its government restore direct air links to Burma in order to boost bilateral trade, including the border trade between the two countries.
Burma is the third largest importer of Bangladesh pharmaceuticals and the re-opening of direct air links between the two countries will help to boost bilateral trade as well as border trade, added the source.
Burma has signed aviation accords with 43 countries and regions around the world since 1949.
Flights from 14 foreign airlines are now flying to Rangoon in Burma, including Air China, China Southern Airline, Indian Airlines, Thai Airways International, Thai Air Asia, Bangkok Airways, Phuket Airline, Malaysian Airlines, Vietnam Airlines, Silk Air, Qatar Airways, and Jetstar Asia.
Dhaka: Arakan ranks second after Chin State for poverty among the fourteen states and divisions in poverty-stricken Burma, according to a report of results from a survey on household living conditions.
The report, titled "Poverty Profile", was published by the UNDP in Burma in June 2011 and was based on surveys taken in 2004 - 2005 and 2009 - 2010 through its Integrated Household Living Conditions Assessment that has been implemented with the Burmese government's Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.
The report said the highest rate of poverty is in Chin State, at 73%, followed by Arakan State at 44%, Tanintharyi Division at 33%, Shan State at 33%, and Ayeyerwaddy Division at 32%.
Arakan State in the western coastal region has potential, with its geographically rich natural resources, to become a developed and prosperous state compared to other states and regions in Burma. But, Arakanese intellectual Dr. Aye Kyaw from New York says, Arakan being ruled as a hidden colony with militarization for many years is the main reason it has become an impoverished state in Burma.
"Arakan is just a hidden colony existing under cover of a state with over militarization by the Burmese forces for so many years. Now there are over 60 battalions based in the state and they are not the forces being deployed for the well-being of the state, but for monopolizing the state's resources for their own benefit, and these are the reasons why Arakan became impoverished," said Dr. Aye Kyaw.
He said the forces have confiscated many arable lands from the local people and contained the people's access to natural resources with strict rules within the state.
Dr. Aye Chan, an Arakanese professor from Japan's Kanta University, also said the high level of poverty afflicts the state because the government and its armed forces has monopolized even resources such as land, waters, and forests, on which the local residents depend for the livelihoods.
"All natural products and resources are being monopolized by the government and its forces in Arakan State. For example, the local residents have no right to fish in their nearby waters such as ponds, creeks, rivers, and the sea, for their livelihoods without paying a huge toll and tax to them. That is the reason why the highest level of poverty afflicts the state," said Dr. Aye Chan.
He said despite the multibillion international business projects being constructed for exporting gas and oil found in onshore and offshore fields in Arakan State, most of the Arakanese people are fleeing their homeland to find jobs elsewhere to survive.
Over three million people are now living in Arakan State and it is estimated that over a million people have left their homeland for mainland Burma and neighboring countries due to political oppression and economic hardships in their state.
According to the report, Arakan also has the lowest level of literacy, with 71% of primary enrollment rate and 32% of secondary enrollment rate.
In terms of electricity, Arakan State has the lowest access rate, with just 26% of the population having access to electricity, most of whom are urban dwellers.
However, the report said the poverty rate has fallen by 6% across the whole of Burma according to the 2009 - 2010 survey as compared to the 2004 - 2005 survey, and the current poverty rate in the country is 26%, of which 70% is from people living in rural areas.
The report said the highest rate of poverty is in Chin State, at 73%, followed by Arakan State at 44%, Tanintharyi Division at 33%, Shan State at 33%, and Ayeyerwaddy Division at 32%.
Arakan State in the western coastal region has potential, with its geographically rich natural resources, to become a developed and prosperous state compared to other states and regions in Burma. But, Arakanese intellectual Dr. Aye Kyaw from New York says, Arakan being ruled as a hidden colony with militarization for many years is the main reason it has become an impoverished state in Burma.
"Arakan is just a hidden colony existing under cover of a state with over militarization by the Burmese forces for so many years. Now there are over 60 battalions based in the state and they are not the forces being deployed for the well-being of the state, but for monopolizing the state's resources for their own benefit, and these are the reasons why Arakan became impoverished," said Dr. Aye Kyaw.
He said the forces have confiscated many arable lands from the local people and contained the people's access to natural resources with strict rules within the state.
Dr. Aye Chan, an Arakanese professor from Japan's Kanta University, also said the high level of poverty afflicts the state because the government and its armed forces has monopolized even resources such as land, waters, and forests, on which the local residents depend for the livelihoods.
"All natural products and resources are being monopolized by the government and its forces in Arakan State. For example, the local residents have no right to fish in their nearby waters such as ponds, creeks, rivers, and the sea, for their livelihoods without paying a huge toll and tax to them. That is the reason why the highest level of poverty afflicts the state," said Dr. Aye Chan.
He said despite the multibillion international business projects being constructed for exporting gas and oil found in onshore and offshore fields in Arakan State, most of the Arakanese people are fleeing their homeland to find jobs elsewhere to survive.
Over three million people are now living in Arakan State and it is estimated that over a million people have left their homeland for mainland Burma and neighboring countries due to political oppression and economic hardships in their state.
According to the report, Arakan also has the lowest level of literacy, with 71% of primary enrollment rate and 32% of secondary enrollment rate.
In terms of electricity, Arakan State has the lowest access rate, with just 26% of the population having access to electricity, most of whom are urban dwellers.
However, the report said the poverty rate has fallen by 6% across the whole of Burma according to the 2009 - 2010 survey as compared to the 2004 - 2005 survey, and the current poverty rate in the country is 26%, of which 70% is from people living in rural areas.
Minbya: People in Min Bya Township in Arakan have raised their voice regarding their daily hardships in the township at a public meeting that was held on Wednesday as part of the founding day of the township's Rakhine National Development Party, said party leader U Tha Kyaw.
"We held a public meeting during the founding ceremony of the RNDP in Min Bya where over 100 people attended and shared their problems and bitter difficulties. They also demanded we present their difficulties and problems on a daily basis to the state and central government," U Tha Kyaw said.
Most of the people were from rural villages and gathered in the meeting to raise their voice about their daily difficulties in their respective villages in Min Bya Township.
"The people especially presented to us to get more fertilizer and loans from the government for their farming because the government-provided fertilizers and loans are insufficient. We promised to submit their demand to the government authority step by step," said U Tha.
A young farmer who attended the ceremony said that he submitted two points in the meeting - first to form village administrations in accordance with the present constitution, and second to inquire with the high authority about the issue of leasing creeks and rivers in Arakan State.
He said, "Now the current government authority has appointed village administrators in the villages across our township against the present constitution. In the constitution, the village administration must be appointed with respectable gentlemen in the village, but the government authority in our township has appointed the former village chairman, who were appointed by the military government in 2006, to be the village administrators. All of the people in our township want the village administrator to be appointed in accordance with the present constitution, so we revealed this in the meeting."
Many people who attended the meeting from rural areas demanded they eliminate the system of leasing creeks and rivers out to businessmen because the system is very challenging for the survival of Arakanese people throughout the state.
"Many people presented the issue of creek, river, and ocean leasing to private businesses by the government. Most Arakanese people have not been able to carry out their daily livelihoods in the creeks and rivers since the government began leasing them to businessmen," he said.
The RNDP won a majority of elected seats in Arakan State in the last election but was unable to form as a majority in the Arakanese state because the government reserved more seats for former military personnel who are aligned with the government-backed USDP.
RNDP leaders will present the people's difficulties to the Arakan State government as well as the central government during the next parliamentary sessions, said U Tha Kyaw.
Most of the people were from rural villages and gathered in the meeting to raise their voice about their daily difficulties in their respective villages in Min Bya Township.
"The people especially presented to us to get more fertilizer and loans from the government for their farming because the government-provided fertilizers and loans are insufficient. We promised to submit their demand to the government authority step by step," said U Tha.
A young farmer who attended the ceremony said that he submitted two points in the meeting - first to form village administrations in accordance with the present constitution, and second to inquire with the high authority about the issue of leasing creeks and rivers in Arakan State.
He said, "Now the current government authority has appointed village administrators in the villages across our township against the present constitution. In the constitution, the village administration must be appointed with respectable gentlemen in the village, but the government authority in our township has appointed the former village chairman, who were appointed by the military government in 2006, to be the village administrators. All of the people in our township want the village administrator to be appointed in accordance with the present constitution, so we revealed this in the meeting."
Many people who attended the meeting from rural areas demanded they eliminate the system of leasing creeks and rivers out to businessmen because the system is very challenging for the survival of Arakanese people throughout the state.
"Many people presented the issue of creek, river, and ocean leasing to private businesses by the government. Most Arakanese people have not been able to carry out their daily livelihoods in the creeks and rivers since the government began leasing them to businessmen," he said.
The RNDP won a majority of elected seats in Arakan State in the last election but was unable to form as a majority in the Arakanese state because the government reserved more seats for former military personnel who are aligned with the government-backed USDP.
RNDP leaders will present the people's difficulties to the Arakan State government as well as the central government during the next parliamentary sessions, said U Tha Kyaw.
Pauktaw: The special tribunal of Burma's election commission in Naypyidaw has ruled against three elected MPs from the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party on charges of election fraud filed against them by their rivals from the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
The three MPs from the RNDP who lost in the case are U Kyaw Tun Aung, candidate from the national parliament, U Aung Kyaw Zan, candidate from the people's parliament, and U Maung Kyaw Thein, candidate from the state parliament. All three were elected in Pauktaw Township in northeastern Arakan State.
U Maung Kyaw Thein said the judgement by the EC was unfair and they would appeal after discussion with legal experts and senior members of their party.
"The judgement by the EC are quite unacceptable and we believe it is just an act of bullying against us because we won more than twice the votes our rivals got in the election. I received more than 16,000 votes while my rival got only 6,000 votes. It is totally unfair and we are now preparing with our seniors and legal experts in our party to submit our appeal for an amendment to the judges," said U Maung Kyaw Thein.
The RNDP, the local Arakanese ethnic party, won 34 seats in Arakan State in the election held in November 2010. Nine of those elected candidates were accused of fraud and faced charges with the election commission by their rivals from the USDP, the proxy party of the Burmese military regime.
Their cases were heard separately by the tribunal of the election commission in Naypyidaw.
U Kyaw Lwin, a candidate from the people's parliament, and U Ohn Tin, a candidate from the state parliament, from the RNDP in Kyaukpru Township, were found not guilty of fraud in their cases on 15 June.
U Hla Maung Thein, an elected candidate for the state parliament from Rathidaung Township, U Phe Than from the people's parliament, U Aung Win and U Maung Lone from the state parliament in Mraybon Township were all found not guilty on 24 June as well.
However, the tribunal of the EC has handed down guilty verdicts to the remaining three RNDP MPs who were elected from Pautktaw Township in its judgement on 6 July.
Rumors are spreading among political circles and local voters in Arakan State that the election commission tribunal received 50 million kyat from the USDP candidates to decide against the RNDP defendants.
The RNDP won the won a majority of the seats fielded in Arakan State in the last November election, but the USDP, the military proxy party, controls the regional state government after appointing its candidates as chief minister and ministers for most of the state ministries.
U Maung Kyaw Thein said the judgement by the EC was unfair and they would appeal after discussion with legal experts and senior members of their party.
"The judgement by the EC are quite unacceptable and we believe it is just an act of bullying against us because we won more than twice the votes our rivals got in the election. I received more than 16,000 votes while my rival got only 6,000 votes. It is totally unfair and we are now preparing with our seniors and legal experts in our party to submit our appeal for an amendment to the judges," said U Maung Kyaw Thein.
The RNDP, the local Arakanese ethnic party, won 34 seats in Arakan State in the election held in November 2010. Nine of those elected candidates were accused of fraud and faced charges with the election commission by their rivals from the USDP, the proxy party of the Burmese military regime.
Their cases were heard separately by the tribunal of the election commission in Naypyidaw.
U Kyaw Lwin, a candidate from the people's parliament, and U Ohn Tin, a candidate from the state parliament, from the RNDP in Kyaukpru Township, were found not guilty of fraud in their cases on 15 June.
U Hla Maung Thein, an elected candidate for the state parliament from Rathidaung Township, U Phe Than from the people's parliament, U Aung Win and U Maung Lone from the state parliament in Mraybon Township were all found not guilty on 24 June as well.
However, the tribunal of the EC has handed down guilty verdicts to the remaining three RNDP MPs who were elected from Pautktaw Township in its judgement on 6 July.
Rumors are spreading among political circles and local voters in Arakan State that the election commission tribunal received 50 million kyat from the USDP candidates to decide against the RNDP defendants.
The RNDP won the won a majority of the seats fielded in Arakan State in the last November election, but the USDP, the military proxy party, controls the regional state government after appointing its candidates as chief minister and ministers for most of the state ministries.
Arakan (Rakhine) State was an independent sovereign state for over 5,000 years (from BC 3325 to AD 1784) with four dynastic eras: Dhanyawaddy, Vesali, Laymro and Mrauk-U. Throughout these four eras, Arakan developed a wealth of literature and culture.
The evolution of Arakanese (Rakhaing) literature was greatly influenced by Indian literature, probably due to the area’s geographical isolation from the Burmese mainland by the Arakan Roma mountain ranges. Traces of Indian influence remain in many aspects of Arakanese culture, including its literature, art, music, cuisine, and so on.
One of the earliest examples of Arakanese literature is the 'Saccaka paribajaka Jina' inscription on the underside of the Fat Monk image in Pan Zee Mroung in Mrauk- U Township. The stone engraving on this Fat Monk image is a Brahmin inscription from the 1st century AD (the Dhanyawaddy period). The Rakha Wanna, or Arakanese alphabet, used in Arakanese literature has evolved from the northern Brahmin languages. It has been influenced by Brahmin and related letter forms throughout the periods of Dhanyawaddy, Vesali, Laymro and Mrauk- U, to the present day.
Sanskrit and Pali literature also influenced Arakanese literature heavily. The standard shapes of Rakha Wanna characters were a mixture of ellipses and right angles in the Vesali period, and then predominantly square in the Laymro period. Although the alphabet from the earlier period of Mrauk-U was very square, the writing of the middle era used many more ellipses, and eventually evolved into a script of mostly circular shapes, like those of Southern India, by the end of Mrauk- U era.
The Anandacandra Inscriptions Pillar, a monolith inscribed with Sanskrit stanzas housed in a grille structure on the left side of the main stairway of the Shitethaung Temple, may be considered the earliest history book in Burma. This Vesali-era pillar was moved to Mrauk-U by King Mun Ba Gree (Munn Bun), the 13th King of the Mrauk- U Dynasty, in 1536. This square pillar rises 3.3 m (9ft 7in) from the ground and is 0.7m (2ft 4in) wide. It is made of fine-grained sandstone, which was widely used at Dhanyawaddy and for the early sculptures of Vesali. Three of its four faces are inscribed.
The eastern face has about one hundred lines of illegible inscriptions, probably containing accounts of earlier dynasties. This script closely resembles that of 6th Century Gupta copper plates of Bengal and, like earlier such pillars, retains some 5th Century characteristics. 5th Century forms are noticed in the vowels and may therefore be palaeographically dated to the end of 5th or beginning of the 6th Century. It was presumably written during the reign of Bhumicandra (Bhuticandra), who ruled between 489 and 520 AD. It is evident that the script had been in use for some time, perhaps as long as a century. The archaeological evidence from this period suggests that it was around this time that the capital was moved from Dhanyawaddy to Vesali.
The western face has 72 lines of text; it is the most legible and significant inscription on the pillar, consisting of 51 verses describing the King's ancestral rulers. Inscriptions like these are rare in Burma; King Anandacandra, who ruled Arakan around 720AD, and is credited with ordering the inscription, is held in very high regard by Arakanese and foreign historians alike. Dr E.H. Jonston (Professor of Oriental Studies of Balliol College, Oxford University, England) and Dr D.C. Sircar (former Superintendent of Archaeological Department of India) have dated the inscription to the beginning of the 8th Century AD. Dr Johnston's reading reveals a list of kings which he believed to have lived from the Candra Dynasty onwards.
The Holy Pitakai in Mrauk-U contains the Tipitaka (three baskets), a library of Buddhist scriptures known as the Pali Canon. These scriptures were used by the monks and novices of Taung-nyo Taik monastery during the Mrauk- U period. The Holy Pitakai was originally donated by the son of Mun Ba Gree, Mum Fhaloung (1571-1593) who is also known as Naradipadi Uritaw Thirithu Shah.
In addition to the stone inscriptions found in different parts of Arakan, there are several literary genres including poetry, annals, narratives and eulogies, which reveal much about the evolution of Arakanese literature. Inscriptions found on silver and gold coins in the eras of Vesali and Mrauk-U offer further clues to the development of Arakanese literature and culture.
In reference to culture, Arakanese cultural and traditional life and indeed the civilization of Arakan have always been closely linked to Buddhist thought and traditions. Further, many aspects of Aryan culture have been absorbed into Arakanese society. The traditional lifestyle and culture of Arakan can be studied in more detail at temples such as Shitethaung Temple, Koethaung Temple, Htukkant Thein Shrine, Anndaw Thein Shrine, and pagodas in Laungbwannbrauk, Maha Bodi Shwegu, Sakya Manaung, Zina Manaung, Lawka Manaung, the Pitaka Library, Konawang, Prasoegri Phara and the Museums of Mrauk U and Site-tway.
The people of Arakan have historically practiced Theravada Buddhism; almost 100% of the Arakanese (Rakhaing) are Buddhists and their religion is central to their national identity and culture. The Arakanese have followed the teachings of Buddhism since Gautama Buddha visited Arakan during the reign of King Chandra Surira in the 6th Century BC.
King Sri Chandra, one of the famous Kings of Vesali, is famed for having convened the fourth Arakanese council for the three Pitakas (Tipitaka). This assembly was composed of the 1,000 Rahats including 500 Rahats from Sri Lanka; throughout its history, Arakanese Buddhism has had extremely close links with Sri Lanka, as well as India. In 1784, the Burmese King Maung Wine (Bodawpaya) invaded Arakan and set all of the religious buildings on fire, including over 30 major and 3700 minor monasteries in Mrauk-U, the last capital of Arakan.
Ancient Arakan’s education system consisted not only of Monastic education but also the traditional style, which involved knowledge being passed down through an apprentice system. All of the major Buddhist Monasteries acted as Universities in the Arakanese Kingdoms, and taught skills for many different professions; the curriculum was known as the eighteen arts and sciences. For other professions, such as priests, scholars, religious teachers, Kings, warriors, chieftains, landowners, land labourers and craftsmen, the requisite skills were taught by senior professionals to apprentices in accordance with the caste system.
The health system in ancient Arakan totally depended on traditional physicians, who mastered the skills for medical treatment. They treated illnesses and diseases using one of the four grand elements: earth, water, fire and air. There were other physicians, who, more traditionally, would not prescribe medicine but cure diseases by suggesting dietary changes.
In the past, various traditional sports were contested in Arakan, such as Arakanese wrestling or “Kyun”, elephant racing, archery, sword or spear competitions, and boat races. The purpose of these competitions was to produce skilled warriors for the Kingdom’s Royal Army. Kyun wrestling and boat racing have remained popular among the public of Arakan to this day, although the other sports have not been practiced since before British colonial rule and the successive Burmese military regimes.
The culture of the Vesali era was highly developed, especially in the following areas: the minting and circulation of coins for currency, literature, art and music, clothing, architecture, masonry, and shipbuilding for international trade. Military power was increased during this era to protect both the nation and national culture.
During the second Mrauk-U era, developments were made in the following areas: military, politics, administration, literature, science, chemistry, medicine, education, and industrial production, especially bronze. Religious developments included the building of Htukkant Thein Shrine, Shitethaung Temple (80,000 Buddha images), Koethaung Temple (90,000 Buddha images), and U Ritetaung Pagoda, all of which are Arakanese cultural landmarks.
One of the most famed cultural and artistic works of Arakan is the Maha Muni Buddha Image that is now housed in Mandalay in central Burma. This Buddha statue was taken from Arakan in 1784 by King Bodawpaya as a war trophy. It is 4 metres high, weighs 6.5 tons, and is made of bronze. Archaeologists believe the image was probably cast during the reign of King Chandra Surya, who ascended the throne in AD 146.
Much of Arakan’s literature and many of its cultural and architectural works, including Buddhist monasteries and pagodas, historical palm leaves (the books of the time) and the Royal Palace of Mrauk-U were stolen or destroyed after Arakan was invaded by the Burmans in 1784.
www.aasyc.org
The evolution of Arakanese (Rakhaing) literature was greatly influenced by Indian literature, probably due to the area’s geographical isolation from the Burmese mainland by the Arakan Roma mountain ranges. Traces of Indian influence remain in many aspects of Arakanese culture, including its literature, art, music, cuisine, and so on.
One of the earliest examples of Arakanese literature is the 'Saccaka paribajaka Jina' inscription on the underside of the Fat Monk image in Pan Zee Mroung in Mrauk- U Township. The stone engraving on this Fat Monk image is a Brahmin inscription from the 1st century AD (the Dhanyawaddy period). The Rakha Wanna, or Arakanese alphabet, used in Arakanese literature has evolved from the northern Brahmin languages. It has been influenced by Brahmin and related letter forms throughout the periods of Dhanyawaddy, Vesali, Laymro and Mrauk- U, to the present day.
Sanskrit and Pali literature also influenced Arakanese literature heavily. The standard shapes of Rakha Wanna characters were a mixture of ellipses and right angles in the Vesali period, and then predominantly square in the Laymro period. Although the alphabet from the earlier period of Mrauk-U was very square, the writing of the middle era used many more ellipses, and eventually evolved into a script of mostly circular shapes, like those of Southern India, by the end of Mrauk- U era.
The Anandacandra Inscriptions Pillar, a monolith inscribed with Sanskrit stanzas housed in a grille structure on the left side of the main stairway of the Shitethaung Temple, may be considered the earliest history book in Burma. This Vesali-era pillar was moved to Mrauk-U by King Mun Ba Gree (Munn Bun), the 13th King of the Mrauk- U Dynasty, in 1536. This square pillar rises 3.3 m (9ft 7in) from the ground and is 0.7m (2ft 4in) wide. It is made of fine-grained sandstone, which was widely used at Dhanyawaddy and for the early sculptures of Vesali. Three of its four faces are inscribed.
The eastern face has about one hundred lines of illegible inscriptions, probably containing accounts of earlier dynasties. This script closely resembles that of 6th Century Gupta copper plates of Bengal and, like earlier such pillars, retains some 5th Century characteristics. 5th Century forms are noticed in the vowels and may therefore be palaeographically dated to the end of 5th or beginning of the 6th Century. It was presumably written during the reign of Bhumicandra (Bhuticandra), who ruled between 489 and 520 AD. It is evident that the script had been in use for some time, perhaps as long as a century. The archaeological evidence from this period suggests that it was around this time that the capital was moved from Dhanyawaddy to Vesali.
The western face has 72 lines of text; it is the most legible and significant inscription on the pillar, consisting of 51 verses describing the King's ancestral rulers. Inscriptions like these are rare in Burma; King Anandacandra, who ruled Arakan around 720AD, and is credited with ordering the inscription, is held in very high regard by Arakanese and foreign historians alike. Dr E.H. Jonston (Professor of Oriental Studies of Balliol College, Oxford University, England) and Dr D.C. Sircar (former Superintendent of Archaeological Department of India) have dated the inscription to the beginning of the 8th Century AD. Dr Johnston's reading reveals a list of kings which he believed to have lived from the Candra Dynasty onwards.
The Holy Pitakai in Mrauk-U contains the Tipitaka (three baskets), a library of Buddhist scriptures known as the Pali Canon. These scriptures were used by the monks and novices of Taung-nyo Taik monastery during the Mrauk- U period. The Holy Pitakai was originally donated by the son of Mun Ba Gree, Mum Fhaloung (1571-1593) who is also known as Naradipadi Uritaw Thirithu Shah.
In addition to the stone inscriptions found in different parts of Arakan, there are several literary genres including poetry, annals, narratives and eulogies, which reveal much about the evolution of Arakanese literature. Inscriptions found on silver and gold coins in the eras of Vesali and Mrauk-U offer further clues to the development of Arakanese literature and culture.
In reference to culture, Arakanese cultural and traditional life and indeed the civilization of Arakan have always been closely linked to Buddhist thought and traditions. Further, many aspects of Aryan culture have been absorbed into Arakanese society. The traditional lifestyle and culture of Arakan can be studied in more detail at temples such as Shitethaung Temple, Koethaung Temple, Htukkant Thein Shrine, Anndaw Thein Shrine, and pagodas in Laungbwannbrauk, Maha Bodi Shwegu, Sakya Manaung, Zina Manaung, Lawka Manaung, the Pitaka Library, Konawang, Prasoegri Phara and the Museums of Mrauk U and Site-tway.
The people of Arakan have historically practiced Theravada Buddhism; almost 100% of the Arakanese (Rakhaing) are Buddhists and their religion is central to their national identity and culture. The Arakanese have followed the teachings of Buddhism since Gautama Buddha visited Arakan during the reign of King Chandra Surira in the 6th Century BC.
King Sri Chandra, one of the famous Kings of Vesali, is famed for having convened the fourth Arakanese council for the three Pitakas (Tipitaka). This assembly was composed of the 1,000 Rahats including 500 Rahats from Sri Lanka; throughout its history, Arakanese Buddhism has had extremely close links with Sri Lanka, as well as India. In 1784, the Burmese King Maung Wine (Bodawpaya) invaded Arakan and set all of the religious buildings on fire, including over 30 major and 3700 minor monasteries in Mrauk-U, the last capital of Arakan.
Ancient Arakan’s education system consisted not only of Monastic education but also the traditional style, which involved knowledge being passed down through an apprentice system. All of the major Buddhist Monasteries acted as Universities in the Arakanese Kingdoms, and taught skills for many different professions; the curriculum was known as the eighteen arts and sciences. For other professions, such as priests, scholars, religious teachers, Kings, warriors, chieftains, landowners, land labourers and craftsmen, the requisite skills were taught by senior professionals to apprentices in accordance with the caste system.
The health system in ancient Arakan totally depended on traditional physicians, who mastered the skills for medical treatment. They treated illnesses and diseases using one of the four grand elements: earth, water, fire and air. There were other physicians, who, more traditionally, would not prescribe medicine but cure diseases by suggesting dietary changes.
In the past, various traditional sports were contested in Arakan, such as Arakanese wrestling or “Kyun”, elephant racing, archery, sword or spear competitions, and boat races. The purpose of these competitions was to produce skilled warriors for the Kingdom’s Royal Army. Kyun wrestling and boat racing have remained popular among the public of Arakan to this day, although the other sports have not been practiced since before British colonial rule and the successive Burmese military regimes.
The culture of the Vesali era was highly developed, especially in the following areas: the minting and circulation of coins for currency, literature, art and music, clothing, architecture, masonry, and shipbuilding for international trade. Military power was increased during this era to protect both the nation and national culture.
During the second Mrauk-U era, developments were made in the following areas: military, politics, administration, literature, science, chemistry, medicine, education, and industrial production, especially bronze. Religious developments included the building of Htukkant Thein Shrine, Shitethaung Temple (80,000 Buddha images), Koethaung Temple (90,000 Buddha images), and U Ritetaung Pagoda, all of which are Arakanese cultural landmarks.
One of the most famed cultural and artistic works of Arakan is the Maha Muni Buddha Image that is now housed in Mandalay in central Burma. This Buddha statue was taken from Arakan in 1784 by King Bodawpaya as a war trophy. It is 4 metres high, weighs 6.5 tons, and is made of bronze. Archaeologists believe the image was probably cast during the reign of King Chandra Surya, who ascended the throne in AD 146.
Much of Arakan’s literature and many of its cultural and architectural works, including Buddhist monasteries and pagodas, historical palm leaves (the books of the time) and the Royal Palace of Mrauk-U were stolen or destroyed after Arakan was invaded by the Burmans in 1784.
www.aasyc.org
Jeremy Adam Smith is the author of "The Daddy Shift," co-editor of the forthcoming anthology "Rad Dad: Dispatches from the Frontiers of Fatherhood" and a founder of the blog Daddy Dialectic.
Greater gender equality in school and on the job has led to greater equality in housework and childrearing. Today in America, fathers now spend more time with their children and on housework than at any time since researchers started collecting comparable data. I call it “the daddy shift” — the gradual movement away from a definition of fatherhood as pure breadwinning to one that encompasses a capacity of caregiving.
Fathers need to encourage each other to take advantage of leave policies and participate in family life.
Rising inequality and economic instability has meant that families can’t afford specialists anymore. And so they’re moving from a family model that stresses efficiency to one that tries to build resilience in the face of economic shocks. In the ideal resilient family, both women and men are capable of working for pay and working at home.
But families often fall short of this ideal, partially because of lingering structural and interpersonal sexism, and partially because men lack support for their new caregiving roles at both home and work. Studies consistently show that 80 percent to 90 percent of mothers still expect fathers to serve as primary breadwinners (and very few will consider supporting a stay-at-home dad). At work, only 7 percent of American men have access to paid parental leave, among other structural limitations.
How can the daddy shift continue? The to-do list is long. It includes an education campaign to help men of all social classes understand what workplace and public policies can help them be the fathers they want to be — and legal campaigns that will defend their jobs against backward attitudes at work. Men whose mindsets are still shaped by the sole-breadwinner ideal need explicit permission and encouragement from both their female partners and their bosses to take advantage of leave policies and participate in family life.
We also need to shift the language we use to discuss work-family issues in a more inclusive direction, so that it includes fathers as well as mothers. That language should stress resilience and meaning to men instead of the language of equality that has mobilized women. In the end, it's up to guys to tell the stories of our lives and speak up for what we want. No one will do it for us.
http://www.blogger.com/publish-confirmation.g?blogID=1733617819154096639&postID=7348029986607000032×tamp=1310011676971&javascriptEnabled=true
Greater gender equality in school and on the job has led to greater equality in housework and childrearing. Today in America, fathers now spend more time with their children and on housework than at any time since researchers started collecting comparable data. I call it “the daddy shift” — the gradual movement away from a definition of fatherhood as pure breadwinning to one that encompasses a capacity of caregiving.
Fathers need to encourage each other to take advantage of leave policies and participate in family life.
Rising inequality and economic instability has meant that families can’t afford specialists anymore. And so they’re moving from a family model that stresses efficiency to one that tries to build resilience in the face of economic shocks. In the ideal resilient family, both women and men are capable of working for pay and working at home.
But families often fall short of this ideal, partially because of lingering structural and interpersonal sexism, and partially because men lack support for their new caregiving roles at both home and work. Studies consistently show that 80 percent to 90 percent of mothers still expect fathers to serve as primary breadwinners (and very few will consider supporting a stay-at-home dad). At work, only 7 percent of American men have access to paid parental leave, among other structural limitations.
How can the daddy shift continue? The to-do list is long. It includes an education campaign to help men of all social classes understand what workplace and public policies can help them be the fathers they want to be — and legal campaigns that will defend their jobs against backward attitudes at work. Men whose mindsets are still shaped by the sole-breadwinner ideal need explicit permission and encouragement from both their female partners and their bosses to take advantage of leave policies and participate in family life.
We also need to shift the language we use to discuss work-family issues in a more inclusive direction, so that it includes fathers as well as mothers. That language should stress resilience and meaning to men instead of the language of equality that has mobilized women. In the end, it's up to guys to tell the stories of our lives and speak up for what we want. No one will do it for us.
http://www.blogger.com/publish-confirmation.g?blogID=1733617819154096639&postID=7348029986607000032×tamp=1310011676971&javascriptEnabled=true
Sandrine Devillard is a Paris-based director at McKinsey and Company. She co-wrote "Women Matter," which assessed women’s role in the economic performance of corporations.
Numerous studies have demonstrated the positive impact on company performance of diversity in top management positions, and yet throughout the world, female participation in the boardroom and in the executive suite is very limited.
Women have trouble identifying with success, and need to promote themselves more assertively.
The problem is that persistent barriers prevent women from staying in the work force and achieving management positions. The main issue is that women remain at the center of family life, with all the attendant constraints (maternity, child care, organizing family life, care of the elderly). The impact of the constraints may vary from one country to another, depending on the support offered (services or tax policies to encourage women’s participation in the labor force), but on average European women continue to devote twice as much time as men to domestic tasks.
This "double burden" of work and family responsibility weigh heavily on women and is not always compatible with the performance model of "anytime, anywhere," or the constant availability and geographical mobility that corporations demand. The linear career path is also difficult for women because of maternity leave.
Barriers also exist within women themselves. Studies show that women need to be more comfortable promoting themselves and to be assertive about their performance, abilities and ambitions.
Our research at McKinsey highlights the difficulty women have in identifying with success, an attitude that appears to hamper their professional development. The absence of female role models is compounded by a heightened perception of the difficulty of achieving success in today’s business environment. "Opting out” -- a voluntary decision to discontinue one’s career -- is both the result of the barriers identified and an additional cause of the shortfall of women among corporate executives.
So how can we change this? Visible commitment by top executives and programs to develop women as leaders stands at the heart of any attempt at effective gender diversity. Of course, human resource policies and services are also critical to women's development.
But ultimately the means to removing the glass ceiling is in the hands of women themselves. Women will build their own way to the top mainly based on the supportive learning, coaching or mentoring initiatives that companies put in place. Achieving greater diversity is mostly about building a workplace where diverse talent can develop and grow without encountering specific barriers.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/gender-diversity-in-the-workplace-is-in-the-hands-of-women
Numerous studies have demonstrated the positive impact on company performance of diversity in top management positions, and yet throughout the world, female participation in the boardroom and in the executive suite is very limited.
Women have trouble identifying with success, and need to promote themselves more assertively.
The problem is that persistent barriers prevent women from staying in the work force and achieving management positions. The main issue is that women remain at the center of family life, with all the attendant constraints (maternity, child care, organizing family life, care of the elderly). The impact of the constraints may vary from one country to another, depending on the support offered (services or tax policies to encourage women’s participation in the labor force), but on average European women continue to devote twice as much time as men to domestic tasks.
This "double burden" of work and family responsibility weigh heavily on women and is not always compatible with the performance model of "anytime, anywhere," or the constant availability and geographical mobility that corporations demand. The linear career path is also difficult for women because of maternity leave.
Barriers also exist within women themselves. Studies show that women need to be more comfortable promoting themselves and to be assertive about their performance, abilities and ambitions.
Our research at McKinsey highlights the difficulty women have in identifying with success, an attitude that appears to hamper their professional development. The absence of female role models is compounded by a heightened perception of the difficulty of achieving success in today’s business environment. "Opting out” -- a voluntary decision to discontinue one’s career -- is both the result of the barriers identified and an additional cause of the shortfall of women among corporate executives.
So how can we change this? Visible commitment by top executives and programs to develop women as leaders stands at the heart of any attempt at effective gender diversity. Of course, human resource policies and services are also critical to women's development.
But ultimately the means to removing the glass ceiling is in the hands of women themselves. Women will build their own way to the top mainly based on the supportive learning, coaching or mentoring initiatives that companies put in place. Achieving greater diversity is mostly about building a workplace where diverse talent can develop and grow without encountering specific barriers.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/gender-diversity-in-the-workplace-is-in-the-hands-of-women
Ute Frevert is the director of the Max Planck Institute for Human Development in Berlin and a professor of history at the Free University of Berlin.
The current state of gender inequalities in Western societies has an interesting story to tell about the longevity of mentalities. Mentalities generally change much more slowly than legal codifications and institutional policies.
Through our behavior as parents, employers and leaders, we can set a different example and serve as role models for younger generations.
People hold on to belief systems, rituals and modes of behavior far longer than real-life circumstances urge and demand them to. This has to do with how these belief systems are passed on from one generation to the next, through mimetic procedures, learning devices and artifacts whose meaning and interpretation are hard to control. Children’s literature, for example, still works with images of family and gender roles that attract feminist criticism. The further you look back in time and include books that you grew up with and want to share with your children, the more difficult it is to reconcile their implicit and explicit messages with our ideas of gender equality.
So there are strong factors out there that lead present-day women to feel responsible for the social and emotional set-up of the family. This comes in handy for men, who gladly contribute material resources but cut down on time and emotional work that they prefer to invest into their professional careers.
What can be done to change this mentality, which seems to be the main force driving women to drop out of the employment sector or reduce their commitment to a degree that hinders them to from being recruited in high-profile positions? We cannot, of course, “sanitize” the artifacts and media transporting traditional gender roles. But we can make sure, through our own behavior as parents, employers and leaders to set a different example and serve as role models for the younger generation. This is relevant for women as much as men. I personally know many more women than men who combine active parenthood with professional ambitions. Men’s education is thus badly needed. If they resist change, our striving is bound to fail.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/how-to-change-the-status-quo-of-gender-roles
The current state of gender inequalities in Western societies has an interesting story to tell about the longevity of mentalities. Mentalities generally change much more slowly than legal codifications and institutional policies.
Through our behavior as parents, employers and leaders, we can set a different example and serve as role models for younger generations.
People hold on to belief systems, rituals and modes of behavior far longer than real-life circumstances urge and demand them to. This has to do with how these belief systems are passed on from one generation to the next, through mimetic procedures, learning devices and artifacts whose meaning and interpretation are hard to control. Children’s literature, for example, still works with images of family and gender roles that attract feminist criticism. The further you look back in time and include books that you grew up with and want to share with your children, the more difficult it is to reconcile their implicit and explicit messages with our ideas of gender equality.
So there are strong factors out there that lead present-day women to feel responsible for the social and emotional set-up of the family. This comes in handy for men, who gladly contribute material resources but cut down on time and emotional work that they prefer to invest into their professional careers.
What can be done to change this mentality, which seems to be the main force driving women to drop out of the employment sector or reduce their commitment to a degree that hinders them to from being recruited in high-profile positions? We cannot, of course, “sanitize” the artifacts and media transporting traditional gender roles. But we can make sure, through our own behavior as parents, employers and leaders to set a different example and serve as role models for the younger generation. This is relevant for women as much as men. I personally know many more women than men who combine active parenthood with professional ambitions. Men’s education is thus badly needed. If they resist change, our striving is bound to fail.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/how-to-change-the-status-quo-of-gender-roles
Neil Gilbert is the Chernin Professor of Social Welfare at the University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of "Capitalism and the Welfare State" and, most recently, "A Mother's Work: How Feminism, the Market and Policy Shape Family Life."
Since the mid-1960s, men in the United States have taken on an increasing share of household and child care responsibilities. Their level of participation in these activities more than doubled between 1965 and 1999, at which point it leveled off.
The elite few, who essentially promote the commercialization of child-rearing and idealize everyone working full-time, have options that others don't.
Despite this increase, women continue to assume the brunt of these domestic responsibilities -- about 40 percent more of the unpaid work than men. Whether complete equality in the division of labor can or should be achieved in these realms is an open question. It is a question, however, that masks a much more serious issue for parents and children, particularly those in the middle and working classes.
During the first three to five years of life, the work of raising children is extremely labor intensive, a 24/7 job with no time off for vacations. No matter how it is split, the child-rearing and household production activities of a two-earner family with two children under 5 is an immensely time-consuming enterprise. Even if the children are placed in the care of others from 8:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., a considerable amount of work -- cooking, feeding, dressing, driving, cleaning, buying and washing clothes, visiting doctors -- remains to be done by parents every day. And that’s before finding the so-called quality time to play, chatter and cuddle
The expectation that both parents work full-time during the early years of child-rearing is widely held by most of the people who regularly write, think and talk about this issue. These are journalists, professors and pundits who write, think and talk for a living. None of them has a real 9-to-5 job, with an hour for lunch. They think “doing lunch” is work. For these elite few, work is varied, interesting, with flexible hours and rewarding enough to pay for full-time nannies. For most others, after a few years on the job, paid employment is cramped and repetitious. With the increasing life-span and rising age of retirement, devoting an extra five years to caring for preschool children would still leave a stay-at-home parent, male or female, 30 to 40 years to test the joys of paid employment.
The elite have framed a discourse that promotes the commercialization of child-rearing and idealizes everyone working full-time in the market, under the banner of equality in the division of family labor. In the first three to five years of child-rearing, even if a two-earner family achieved complete equality on the domestic front it would leave both members with the equivalent of 1.5 jobs, while their children were effectively being socialized by strangers during the most critical developmental stage of life. Is this the ideal toward which modern family-life should be striving?
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/dont-work-if-you-dont-have-to
Since the mid-1960s, men in the United States have taken on an increasing share of household and child care responsibilities. Their level of participation in these activities more than doubled between 1965 and 1999, at which point it leveled off.
The elite few, who essentially promote the commercialization of child-rearing and idealize everyone working full-time, have options that others don't.
Despite this increase, women continue to assume the brunt of these domestic responsibilities -- about 40 percent more of the unpaid work than men. Whether complete equality in the division of labor can or should be achieved in these realms is an open question. It is a question, however, that masks a much more serious issue for parents and children, particularly those in the middle and working classes.
During the first three to five years of life, the work of raising children is extremely labor intensive, a 24/7 job with no time off for vacations. No matter how it is split, the child-rearing and household production activities of a two-earner family with two children under 5 is an immensely time-consuming enterprise. Even if the children are placed in the care of others from 8:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., a considerable amount of work -- cooking, feeding, dressing, driving, cleaning, buying and washing clothes, visiting doctors -- remains to be done by parents every day. And that’s before finding the so-called quality time to play, chatter and cuddle
The expectation that both parents work full-time during the early years of child-rearing is widely held by most of the people who regularly write, think and talk about this issue. These are journalists, professors and pundits who write, think and talk for a living. None of them has a real 9-to-5 job, with an hour for lunch. They think “doing lunch” is work. For these elite few, work is varied, interesting, with flexible hours and rewarding enough to pay for full-time nannies. For most others, after a few years on the job, paid employment is cramped and repetitious. With the increasing life-span and rising age of retirement, devoting an extra five years to caring for preschool children would still leave a stay-at-home parent, male or female, 30 to 40 years to test the joys of paid employment.
The elite have framed a discourse that promotes the commercialization of child-rearing and idealizes everyone working full-time in the market, under the banner of equality in the division of family labor. In the first three to five years of child-rearing, even if a two-earner family achieved complete equality on the domestic front it would leave both members with the equivalent of 1.5 jobs, while their children were effectively being socialized by strangers during the most critical developmental stage of life. Is this the ideal toward which modern family-life should be striving?
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/07/05/how-can-we-get-men-to-do-more-at-home/dont-work-if-you-dont-have-to
